Carroll Quigley

As a teen-ager I heard John Kennedy's summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest nation in the history because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so. President Clinton's 1992 Acceptance Speech at the Democratic Convention

Carroll Quigley (1910-1977), professor of history at the Foreign Service School of Georgetown University, formerly taught at Princeton and at Harvard. He has done research in the archives of France, Italy, and England, and is the author of the widely praised Evolution of Civilizations. A member of the editorial board of the monthly Current History, He is a frequent lecturer and consultant for public and semipublic agencies. He is a member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Anthropological Association, and the American Economic Association, as well as various historical association. He has been lecturer on Russian history at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces since 1951 and on Africa at the Brookings institution since 1961, and has lectured at many other places, including the U.S. Naval Weapons Laboratory, the Foreign Service Institute of the State Department, and the Naval College at Norfolk, Virginia. In 1958 he was a consultant to the Congressional Select Committee which set up the present national space agency. He was collaborator in history to the Smithsonian Institution after 1957, in connection with the establishment of its new Museum of history and Technology. In the summer of 1964 he went to the Navy Post-Graduate School, Monterey, California, as consultant to Project Seabed, which tried to visualize what American weapons systems would be like in twelve years.

Tragedy and Hope, 1966, 1348 pages, Hardbound, $40

Shows the years 1895-1950 as a period of transition from the world dominated by Europe in the nineteenth century to the world of three blocs in the twentieth century. With clarity, perspective, and cumulative impact, Professor Quigley examines the nature of that transition through two world wars and a worldwide economic depression. as a interpretative historian, he tries to show each event in the full complexity of its historical context. The result is a unique work, notable in several ways. It gives a picture of the world in terms of the influence of different cultures and outlooks upon each other; it shows, more completely than in any similar work, the influence of science and technology on human life; and it explains, with unprecedented clarity, how the intricate financial and commercial patterns of the West prior to 1914 influenced the development of today's world.

..."Thus, Rothchild interests came to dominate many of the railroads of Europe, while Morgan dominated at least 26,000 miles of American railroads. Such bankers went further than this. In return for flotations of securities of industry, they took seats on the boards of directors of industrial firms, as they had already done on commercial banks, savings banks, insurance firms, and finance companies." (p.60)

..".These firm were controlled through interlocking directorships, holding companies and lesser banks. They engineered amalgamations and generally reduced competition, until by the early twentieth century many activities were so monopolized that they could raise their noncompetitive price above costs..". (p. 61)

..."As early as 1909, Walther Rathenau, who was in a position to know (since he had inherited from his father control of the German General Electric Company, and held scores of directorships himself), said, "Three hundred men, all of whom know one another, direct the economic destiny of Europe, and choose their successors from among themselves." (p.61)

..."The history of the last century shows, as we shall see later, that the advice they gave to industrialists, was consistently good for bankers, but was often disastrous for governments, businessmen, and the people generally." (p.62)

"On this basis, which was originally financial and goes back to George Peabody, there grew up in the twentieth century a power structure between London and New York which penetrated deeply into university life, the press, and the practice of foreign policy. In England the center was the Round Table Group, while in the United States it was J.P. Morgan and Company or its local branches in Boston, Philadelphia, and Cleveland. Some rather incidental examples of the operations of this structure are very revealing, just because they are incidental. For example, it set up in Princeton a reasonable copy of the Round Table Group's chief Oxford headquarters, All Souls College. This copy, called the Institute for Advanced Study, and best known, perhaps, as the refuge of Einstein, Oppenheimer, John von Neumann, and George F. Kennan, was organized by Abraham Flexner of the Carnegie Foundation and Rockefeller's General Education Board after he had experienced the delights of All Souls while serving as Rhodes Memorial Lecturer at Oxford ."(p.953)

"It must be recognized that the power these energetic Left-wingers exercised was never their own power or Communist power but was ultimately the power of the international financial coterie, and once the anger and suspicions of the American people were arroused, as they were by 1950, it was a fairly simple matter to get rid of the Red sympathizers. Before this could be done, however, a congressional committee, following backward to their source the threads which led from admitted Communists like Whittaker Chambers, through Alger Hiss, and the Carnegie Endowment to Thomas Lamont, and the Morgan Bank, fell into the whole complicated network of the interlocking tax-exempt foundations. The Eighty-third Congress in July 1953 set up a Special Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations with Representative B. Carroll Reece, of Tennessee, as chairman. It soon became clear that people of immense wealth would be unhappy if the investigation went too far and that the "most respected" newspapers in the country, closely allied with these men of wealth, would not get excited enough about any revelation to make the publicity worth while, in term of votes or campaign contributions. An interesting report showing Left-wing associations of the interlocking nexus of tax-exempt foundations was issued in 1954 rather quietly. Four years later, the Reece committee's general counsel, Rene A. Wormser, wrote a shocked, but not shocking, book on the subject called Foundations: Their Power and Influence." (p. 954-955)

"Managing Mossadegh's fall in August, 1953, was considerably easier, since he left his defense wide open by an attack on the prerogatives of the Iranian Army, apparently in the belief that the army would be prevented from moving against him by his influence over the mobs in the streets of Tehran. But throughout the Near East, street mobs are easily aroused and directed by those who are willing to pay, and Dulles had the unlimited secret funds of the CIA. From these he gave $10 million to Colonel H. Norman Schwartzkopf, Former head of the New Jersey State Police, who was in charge of training the Imperial Iranian Gendarmerie, and this was judiciously applied in ways which changed the mobs' tune considerably from July to August 1953. "(p.1059)

The Anglo-American Establishment, 354 pages, 1981, Soft bound, $15

In this book, Professor Quigley discusses how Cecil Rhodes, Alfred Milner, and others set up Rhodes secret society for the purpose of bringing the english speaking countries back under the control of British financial interests. Quigley details the start of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, and its branches in other countries, including the Council on Foreign Relations based in the United States. These organizations initially were funded, and are still funded by the banking interests. They are able to exert tremendous influence through the Roundtable Groups, which they control.

"No country that values its safety should allow what the Milner group accomplished-- that is, that a small number of men would be able to wield such power in administration and politics, should be able to exercise such influence over the avenues of information that create public opinion, and should be able to monopolize so completely the writing and the teaching of the history of their own period."